In Part 1, I distinguished between Christian nationalism as ideology or as instinct or mood. I also distinguished between the mission of the church and that of the state.
Now, I will look at the six main arguments for Christian nationalism and see how they hold up when measured against the gospel, William Stringfellow’s insights on the “powers and principalities,” and the cruciform love of Jesus.
1. God’s sovereignty extends to nations
Christian nationalists often start here: Jesus is Lord of all. If he’s King of kings, then rulers and nations must answer to him. And that’s true. Scripture makes it clear no authority exists outside God’s sovereignty.
But here’s the problem: God doesn’t relate to nations the same way he relates to people. He speaks to rulers and communities inside nations. He calls them to justice, truth and humility. But he doesn’t “save” or “convert” a nation like he does a person. Nations aren’t people; they’re powers.
And when a nation tries to “be Christian,” it usually ends up baptizing its own agenda with God-language. Rome claimed to bring peace to the world—Pax Romana. America claims to spread freedom and democracy. Both end up demanding devotion that should belong to Christ.
Now, many ordinary folks who lean toward Christian nationalism aren’t making a philosophical argument here. They just want to see their leaders honor God in some way, like how a family prays before dinner. That instinct comes from a good place.
But here’s the danger: An ideal household is bound by love and personal devotion to Jesus, while a nation is bound by law and force. Parents can demonstrate the love of Jesus and ask their kids to pray with them. A government can mandate only outward conformity. That’s not faith; it’s performance. At worst, it becomes persecution.
Yes, Jesus holds governments accountable. Yes, he cares about justice. But accountability isn’t the same as anointing. When the state claims to be “Christian,” it starts speaking in God’s name. That’s not worship; that’s idolatry, like the serpent Nehushtan, as I referenced in Part 1.
2. Biblical precedent for nations honoring God
Here’s another Christian nationalistic perspective: In the Old Testament, Israel was a nation under God. Doesn’t that mean nations today should aim to honor God the same way?
It sounds convincing—until you remember Israel was unique. Israel wasn’t just one nation among many. It was God’s chosen covenant people, set apart for a season to prepare the way for Jesus. No modern nation holds that role.
Psalm 33:12 says, “Blessed is the nation whose God is the LORD.”
But that blessing was for Israel, not a blank check for any state that sprinkles Bible verses over its constitution. When Jonah preached to Nineveh, they repented, but that didn’t make them a covenant people. They simply humbled themselves before God’s sovereignty.
In the New Testament, the “holy nation” language gets transferred. And it doesn’t get transferred to Rome, or to America two millennia later. It gets transferred to the church (1 Peter 2:9). A transnational community made up of every tribe, tongue and people group—that’s the holy nation of God living as ambassadors of the eternal kingdom of heaven.
This is where nuance matters. Many who quote verses like Psalm 33:12 aren’t trying to create an idol. They just long for God’s blessing on their country. That’s understandable. But blessing doesn’t come through fusing gospel and government. Blessing comes when the people of God live faithfully as the church, no matter what nation they inhabit.
When America—or any other modern country—claims biblical Israel’s mantle, it’s not submitting to Scripture. It’s using Scripture to crown itself. That’s not blessing; that’s taking God’s name in vain.
3. The common good requires moral foundations
Now, this point deserves real attention. Christian nationalists argue: Laws never are neutral. Every law reflects someone’s morality. If we don’t base our laws on Scripture, they’ll be based on something else.
That’s true. But it overlooks something vital—the difference between the state’s role and the church’s role.
The state’s job is “rough justice”—restraining evil, protecting the vulnerable, maintaining order through force. It can’t form saints. It can’t disciple hearts. That’s the church’s job.
Here’s the danger: When the church outsources moral formation to statute, both church and state deform.
The state tries to become a moral tutor it never was meant to be. The church becomes a lobbying group, measuring success by political wins instead of faithfulness to the cross.
And let’s be aware: The powers are happy to baptize “morality” when it helps them survive. “Law and order” sounds good, but it’s also been used to justify segregation, deny civil rights and silence dissent.
This is where instinct and ideology diverge again. For some, Christian nationalism as instinct simply means: “We need guardrails in society, so things don’t collapse.” That’s fair. But those guardrails aren’t the gospel.
The common good indeed is moral, but gospel morality is cruciform. It takes up the cross for enemies and the vulnerable, moves toward the least, and embodies generosity that law can’t compel.
Statute can prohibit theft. Only the Spirit forms a people who share possessions (Acts 2; 2 Corinthians 8–9). Statute can punish fraud. Only the church can cultivate truth-telling that refuses propaganda. Statute can regulate violence. Only the Eucharistic community can break cycles of vengeance by forgiving 70-times-seven.
The law can restrain harm. Only Christ can transform hearts.
4. Historical roots in America
Christian nationalists often appeal to America’s history—the Mayflower Compact, references to God in founding documents, the Bible on the lips of early leaders. They argue we’re just “returning” to our roots.
But here’s the problem: America’s history is complicated. Yes, there were moments of biblical influence. There also were centuries of slavery, genocide of Indigenous peoples and systemic racism—such as Jim Crow. To highlight one side and ignore the other is what William Stringfellow called “bombast”—puffing ourselves up with half-truths.
And notice this: Even the founders who referenced God in public documents also enshrined disestablishment. They didn’t want a state church. They knew what happened when governments took on the role of religion.
It’s worth remembering: Not everyone who appeals to America’s roots is trying to worship the nation. Sometimes they’re just proud of their heritage. That’s not inherently bad. Gratitude for one’s country is good. Patriotism in moderation is healthy. But allegiance belongs to Christ alone.
The creed is not the pledge. The sacraments are not the founding documents. The church’s story is not America’s story. When we confuse them, we end up bowing to Nehushtan.
5. Protecting families and future generations
This argument tugs at the heart: We need Christian nationalism to protect our kids from moral confusion, to safeguard families from collapse. Who doesn’t want their kids safe?
But here’s where the powers sneak in. The powers and principalities, the politicians and lobbyists cry out, “Think of your children!” It sounds holy, but it can be used to justify almost anything—wars, censorship, even oppression. And in the end, what they really are crying out is: “Empower us to protect your children! Put your faith and your children’s lives in our hands.”
The gospel calls us to protect families, yes, but in the way of the cross, not the sword. The family is God’s institution, and we never should diminish our Christ-centered devotion to our spouses and children.
It’s also important to remember Jesus’s radical words on family: “Whoever does the will of my Father is my mother and brothers.”
The state can pass laws protecting its current definitions of “family.” The church literally is a new household itself. Our mission isn’t only to preserve traditional family structures. It’s to embody a family where the lonely find belonging, where the poor are provided for, where the vulnerable are sheltered.
Now, many who gravitate toward Christian nationalistic instincts are afraid—afraid their kids will grow up in a culture where truth and stability are eroded. That’s a sincere concern. The answer isn’t to dismiss it, but to redirect it.
The state can restrain harm. It can outlaw abuse and provide basic protections. But it can’t raise disciples. It can’t transform hearts, so parents pray with their kids. Only the Spirit-filled church can do that.
The early church transformed family life in Rome, not by changing laws, but by adopting abandoned infants, caring for widows and treating marriage as covenant instead of contract. That kind of witness changes culture more than any political program.
Here’s the bottom line: When we put our hope in the State to save the family, we end up losing both, and the church loses her witness as the household of God. Families are protected when the church steps up in sacrificial love, not when the state waves a Bible over its policies.
6. Witness to the nations
Finally, Christian nationalists say: A Christian nation could shine as a light to the world, just like Israel was supposed to.
But Jesus never called America a be city on a hill. He gave that title to his disciples—to the church. A community bound not by borders or constitutions, but by baptism into Christ.
When nations try to take on that role, the result is civil religion—a shallow witness that confuses national pride with gospel truth. That’s not light; it’s smoke and mirrors.
But let’s be fair: Many who long for America to be a “light” don’t mean to idolize it. They just want their nation to be a place where goodness and justice shine. That desire can be affirmed.
But it must be clarified: The true witness of the church is cruciform love—forgiving enemies, caring for the poor, living in unity across dividing lines, telling the truth when lies are easier, worshiping a King who laid down his life. That’s what shines.
If a nation wants to “shine,” its best move is to get out of the church’s way. Protect freedom of worship. Ensure justice. Safeguard peace. Then, let the church be the church—free, bold and holy.
The light of the gospel doesn’t come from the flag. It comes from the cross.
Nick Acker, a native Texan, is co-lead pastor of Grace Ventura Church in Ventura, Calif., adjunct faculty member at Stark College and Seminary and a resident fellow at East Texas Baptist University’s B.H. Carroll Theological Seminary, and author of Exegeting Orality: Interpreting the Inspired Words of Scripture in Light of Their Oral Traditional Origins. He finds his greatest joy in his wife and three children. The views expressed in this opinion article are those of the author.