Bible Studies for Life Series for April 29: Maintain a steadfast faithfulness through Christ

Posted: 4/19/07

Bible Studies for Life Series for April 29

Maintain a steadfast faithfulness through Christ

• John 15:18-16:4

By David Harp

First Baptist Church, Stanton

The Voice of the Martyrs website told a few weeks ago of a family in Pakistan arrested for blasphemy: “Daniel, an 11-year-old Christian boy, refused to play with his Muslim friends, resulting in them beating him. Daniel’s family confronted the Muslims, who called the police and made a false report saying Daniel’s family had blasphemed the name of the Holy Prophet.”

Rashid Masih, Salamat Masih, Sahba Masih Motta, Bao Masih and Sheela Masih are living under threat of attack by Muslim extremists: “The Muslim family told other Muslims at a religious gathering that Christians had disgraced the Holy Prophet, tore a holy sticker and beat it with a shoe. This has led to tension in the city. Christians in the area fear Muslim extremists will attack the family. There is fear there will be attacks this week during celebrations leading up to Easter Sunday,” Voice of the Martyrs sources said.

If convicted under blasphemy laws, the Christian family faces three years imprisonment, a fine and the death penalty, or life imprisonment and a fine. Pray God protects these believers and provides a way of escape for them.

We often wonder why Christians face such anger and such hatred from the world.

Our lesson this week reminds us we should not be surprised at such hostility from the world against Christ and his followers. The great German believer, Dietrich Bonhoffer, said, “If we would bear the image of his glory, we must first bear the image of his shame.”

In our final lesson from the Gospel of John, we will consider hatred from the world, testifying for Jesus and martyred for God.


Hated by the world (John 15:18-25)

We live in a world marred by hatred, where God is rejected daily. Believers sometimes experience hate from the world because of their faith and obedience to Jesus.

Jesus had just given his great teaching about Christians loving one another. In a marked and emphatic contrast, Jesus went on to warn the believer would face hatred in the world as he did.

Jesus predicted persecution will be a reality, and every believer will confront it. Jesus warned, “If the world hates you, know that it hated me before it hated you” (v. 18).

The world can be defined as the created world, all of the people in the world, or the world system without God. Jesus recognized the world as a mass of humanity indifferent and opposed to God and his purposes. The world is in direct opposition to Jesus and rejects him, hates him and stands against him. The believer is “called out” from the world and “called forth” unto God to live for him and his purposes. Because we are called out from the world, we often stand in the way of the world’s assaults and hatred.


Testifying for Jesus (John 15:26-27)

Help is on the way! Even though we face rejection by a hate-filled world, God sends his Comforter, who walks alongside every believer. The Holy Spirit is the Spirit of Truth and will convict the world of sin. The Holy Spirit will empower believers and fill them daily with the power they need to testify triumphantly for Jesus in spite of hatred from the world.

Jesus does not want us to withdraw into our comfort zones of convenience where we are always accepted, always liked and always approved. We are to march forward into hostile territory armed by his Spirit as our witness and boldly declare Jesus is enough to see us through any storm of life.


Martyred for God (John 16:1-4)

Since more Christians were martyred for God in the 20th century for their faith than all other centuries combined, believers can know Jesus’ message about persecution and hatred was not just a first century message. Jesus reminds us, “All this I have told you so that you will not go astray” (v. 1). He will give us the strength that we need to face the moment.

Linda Lee Johnson has written a beautiful hymn that illustrates the strength we can receive from Jesus. In the words of “Be Strong in the Lord,” she writes: “Fear not the battle, for the victory is always his; he will protect you wherever you go. Be strong, be strong, be strong in the Lord; And be of good courage for he is your guide.”

As we face obstacles, rejection and possibly death, we are assured of Jesus’ strength and deliverance from any enemy we face.


Discussion questions

• How do we respond to rejection?

• What persecution have you encountered for living your faith?

• Is it possible to live triumphantly in today’s world?

News of religion, faith, missions, Bible study and Christian ministry among Baptist churches, in Texas, the BGCT, the nation and around the world.




Explore the Bible Series for April 29: Humbly clothe yourself in the power of God

Posted: 4/19/07

Explore the Bible Series for April 29

Humbly clothe yourself in the power of God

• 1 Peter 5:1-14

By Kathryn Aragon

First Baptist Church, Duncanville

A few weeks ago, we talked about the need to don our super suits. Today, in the closing chapter of 1 Peter, we need to focus on our alter-egos.

Peter ends his first letter with a reminder to clothe ourselves with humility. But humility is easier to talk about than it is to put on. Sure, if we could reduce it to a set of principles or behaviors, humility would be easier to grasp. But it isn’t just about our external behavior. As with everything else in Christianity, it’s about a whole new way of thinking and being.

Humility is a pretty confusing subject. On the one hand, we are called to realize our greatness. On the other, we are called to remember our nothingness. In the beginning of his letter, Peter tells us to be holy as God is holy (1:16) while at its end, he tells us to humble ourselves “under God’s mighty hand” (v. 6).

Somehow we must sort out this paradox because, as Peter says, “God opposes the proud but gives grace to the humble” (v. 5). Once again, we can compare ourselves to comic book superheroes to better understand the point.


Superheroes

Every superhero story tells of an ordinary person who begins to realize he is extraordinary in some way. Initially his discovery is exciting, and he eagerly experiments with his new gifts.

As the story progresses, however, the superhero begins to realize his giftedness has its dark side. Loved ones are endangered or innocent people can be harmed. The superhero begins to realize superness doesn’t belong in ordinary society. Although he is obliged to use his giftedness for the good of mankind, he must hide it behind an alter-ego to keep evil forces from attacking.

A superhero must be so confident in his superness that he can live a life of complete humility. By hiding his identity, he actually turns his ordinariness into a protective covering. No one would suspect meek Clark Kent and mild Peter Parker are super in any way. They appear to be dull men leading uneventful lives. Meanwhile, under the cover of their ordinariness, they remain vigilant against the dangers that continually arise.


Super Christians

The dangers that arise in our own lives may not be as exotic as those in the comic books, but they are no less real. Peter tells us our “enemy the devil prowls around like a roaring lion looking for someone to devour” (v. 8).

Just as in the comics, the enemy becomes alert when he sees superheroes at work. It is his greatest desire to destroy us, and if we let ourselves become vulnerable, we become easy prey. What we must understand is that humility, our alter ego, is our protection. Our strength lies, not in flaunting our greatness, but in embracing our anonymity.

Jesus not only teaches this principle but demonstrates it. The king of the universe is born in a barn. He works as a lowly carpenter and consorts with uneducated fishermen and socially rejected tax collectors. After entering Jerusalem as a king, he swaddles himself as a servant and washes his disciples’ feet. The greatest man on earth, the God-man, lives his life as a humble servant. His alter-ego is so effective, generations of people have failed to realize his true identity.


The dangers of superness

When we try to live as supers among ordinary people, we end up exposing them to danger. Showing the world our greatness smacks suspiciously of pride. It also communicates that our God is unattainable to ordinary people. These miscommunications can lead people to reject God forever.

Flaunting our superness also tends to make us forget where our greatness comes from and causes us to become prideful. When this happens, rather than using our gifts for God’s purposes, we revert to using our powers for selfish ends. Instead of superheroes, we become villains. Consumed by our own greatness, we wreak havoc everywhere we go.

On the other hand, if we will follow Jesus’ lead, living a life of humility, we reveal the true nature of God. We must cling to the lesson Jesus’ teaches while washing his disciples’ dirty feet: “You call me ‘Teacher’ and ‘Lord,’ and rightly so, for that is what I am. Now that I, your Lord and Teacher, have washed your feet, you also should wash one another’s feet. I have set you an example that you should do as I have done for you. I tell you the truth, no servant is greater than his master, nor is a messenger greater than the one who sent him (John 13:13-16).


Finding our alter-ego

Knowing we are super is important. It gives us confidence. It’s the evidence of our relationship with God and confirms our faith. But superness is not the be-all, end-all in our Christian walk. Awareness that we are endowed with the power of God is merely the beginning. At some point, we also must grow in our understanding of what it means to be a super Christian. We must realize there is danger in acting fully super at all times.

Like the superhero, we must learn to control our giftedness. It must be exercised with caution and used only when needed. At all other times, we must control it, disguising it with our alter-ego.

Our true strength comes from the realization that greatness is on loan. While we possess it, it isn’t really ours. Because of this, we must never take it upon ourselves to decide how our powers should be used. Instead, we must rely on God, allowing him to use us as he sees fit.

Living in our alter-ego does not by any means negate our superness. But it does keep it in its place. By not allowing the idea of greatness to overshadow the reality of our dependence on God, we remain humble. We stay usable. We actually increase our superness.

Christianity is the greatest paradox known to man. We are called to be children of God and yet to serve one another in humility. Deep in our hearts, we can cherish our call to greatness, but we must never let it show. In order to receive the fullness of God’s grace, we must never let our right hand know what our left hand is doing. We must hide our supersuits beneath the alter-ego of ordinariness.


Discussion questions

• We tend to live in extremes, swinging from pride to self-abasement. A healthy identity is somewhere in the middle, aware of its strengths but equally aware of its weaknesses. Where are you on the scale, with humility at one end and pride on the other?

• What are some ways you can use your greatness while keeping it hidden beneath the alter-ego of humility?


News of religion, faith, missions, Bible study and Christian ministry among Baptist churches, in Texas, the BGCT, the nation and around the world.




Democratic presidential race features more faith than usual

Posted: 4/16/07

Democratic presidential race
features more faith than usual

By Robert Marus

ABP Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON (ABP)—With many Republicans concerned their party’s leading presidential candidates are not sufficiently conservative on social issues, Democrats have what may be their most faith-friendly crop of candidates in recent years.

According to experts in politics and religion, a handful of faith-savvy Democrats—including two who speak fluent “evangelicalese” —may be able to woo religious voters in ways previous Democratic nominees have not.

Barry Hankins, a professor of history and church-state studies at Baylor University in Texas, and Laura Olson, a political science professor at Clemson University in South Carolina, helped Associated Baptist Press analyze the 2008 presidential candidates in terms of faith issues and faith-motivated voters.

See Related Stories:
Faith-based positions of presidential hopefuls compared

• Democratic presidential race features more faith than usual

View comparisons as a graphical chart

GOP presidential race again features faith, but new dynamics

So far, according to polling and fundraising figures, there are three Democratic front-runners. There also may be a fourth waiting in the wings.

One, New York Sen. Hillary Clinton, is a cradle-roll Methodist who—despite her caricature among religious conservatives as a rabid secularist—has maintained her faith throughout her adult life.

Another, Illinois Sen. Barack Obama, has been received warmly in recent months by evangelical audiences. Obama, an African-American, is a Congregationalist raised in an essentially secular environment in exotic locales around the world. He came to faith as an adult after working with churches on Chicago’s South Side and seeing Christianity transform lives and communities.

The last—former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards—is a Methodist raised and baptized as a Southern Baptist who has talked about how his faith “came roaring back” after his firstborn son was killed. He has said his Christianity motivates his relentless focus on poverty and economic justice.

Democrats’ apparent comfort in talking about their faith—and apparent Republican discomfort with their own candidates—comes from a number of factors, the experts said.

Establishment Democrats began realizing in 2000 and 2004 that they had a religion problem. Polls showed that large majorities of religiously committed people—Catholics and Protestants alike—voted for Republicans. The pro-GOP majorities were even more overwhelming among conservative evangelicals and Catholics. Meanwhile, people with low or no religious commitment voted overwhelmingly Democratic.

Worried the party would be tarred as a bulwark of secularism, Democratic leaders began rehabilitating the party’s image with faith-motivated voters.

Simultaneously, some evangelical leaders have tried to broaden the movement’s political agenda beyond its traditional rallying points of abortion and sexuality. Evangelical leaders are pushing political leaders to apply moral language to supporting environmentalism, fighting poverty, and preventing the spread of AIDS, among other causes.

“There’s a variety of new issues that are being linked to morality and faith and … things of this nature that weren’t thought about in that rubric before,” Olson said.

While many longtime evangelical leaders like James Dobson have resisted drawing attention away from abortion and homosexuality as signature issues, many younger evangelicals seem to be embracing the trend.

“I think they’re interested in issues of peace and justice, and I think that some of those people that might otherwise be attracted to a Republican. I think there is a group of evangelicals that could find Barack Obama pretty interesting and attractive,” Hankins said.

Obama already has reached out to evangelical audiences. Last year, he drew rave reviews as the keynote speaker at the Pentecost 2006 anti-poverty conference, sponsored by the progressive evangelical groups Sojourners and Call to Renewal. In his speech, he called on fellow Democrats and progressives not to cede the mantle of morality to conservatives when fighting for social and economic justice.

“To say that men and women should not inject their ‘personal morality’ into public-policy debates is a practical absurdity,” he said. “If we progressives shed some of these biases, we might recognize some overlapping values that religious and secular people share.”

He also told how he came to faith as an adult, describing how working with African-American church members made him realize that his doubts about Christianity didn’t bar him from embracing faith in Christ.

“It was precisely because of these doubts that I was able to walk down the aisle of the Trinity United Church of Christ,” Obama said. “But, kneeling beneath that cross on the South Side (of Chicago), I felt I heard God’s Spirit beckoning me.”

Obama also highlighted a conference on AIDS hosted last year by superstar evangelical pastor Rick Warren. Several conservative evangelical leaders publicly criticized Warren for allowing the pro-choice senator to speak at the conference, held at his Southern Baptist Convention-affiliated Saddleback Church in Orange County, Calif. But both Warren and Obama rejected their criticism.

“While we will never see eye to eye on all issues, surely we can come together with one voice to honor the entirety of Christ’s teachings by working to eradicate the scourge of AIDS, poverty, and other challenges we all can agree must be met,” Obama said in a statement responding to the criticism.

Such comfort with discussing faith may help both Obama and Edwards, who has been similarly candid about his Christianity. In a Beliefnet interview earlier this year, Edwards said it “is important in my case to have a personal relationship with the Lord.”

Edwards focuses campaign rhetoric on poverty and health-care coverage for the poor because “if you took every reference to taking care of ‘the least of these’ out of the Bible, there would be a pretty skinny Bible. And I think I as a Christian, and we as a nation, have a moral responsibility to do something about this,” he said.

Such a comfort with faith may cause Obama—and, perhaps, Edwards—to “siphon off” more evangelicals than Democrats have been able to do in years, experts say.

“You’ve got Sen. Obama and Sen. Edwards, and both of them … are able to speak ‘evangelical-ese,’” Olson said. “I think one of the things that American voters seem to want—and part of why George W. Bush was able to do so well in both of the elections when he was a candidate—is that Americans want someone who seems genuine.”

Sen. Clinton may have more difficulty in that regard. She increasingly makes public reference to her lifelong Methodism and gave a highly publicized speech last year in which she tried to open a dialogue with abortion opponents. However, many conservative religious voters retain a strong dislike for her and her husband.

“Evangelicals are not going to cross over (and vote) for Sen. Clinton. I mean, they just aren’t,” Olson said. “She’s a lot more religious than people think she is…. And, yeah, she kind of has tempered on abortion a little bit. But is she going to go over (to) the pro-life side? No.”

Nominating Clinton could do more to mobilize the conservative Republican base than any of Republican candidates could, Hankins said.

“If you have Hillary Rodham Clinton getting the Democratic nomination, that could solidify conservatives because they’ll have something to run against,” he said. With “any person who identifies with the Christian right, the opposition to the Clintons is so strong, I don’t think there’s anything that can be done to overcome it.”

One factor that may broaden the outlook of some evangelicals, according to Hankins and Olson, is conservative evangelical leaders’ past embrace of the Iraq war.

“You have younger evangelicals who don’t have a strong Republican identity and, like most of the rest of the population, they either oppose the war or have serious criticisms of the way it has been carried out,” Hankins said. “I think that’s going to be very significant for that group of younger, sort of emerging-church type of evangelicals.”

Whatever the case may be, Olson and Hankins cautioned not to expect any dramatic revolution in the voting habits of the core GOP base come 2008.

“You have this sort of Christian Right sort of evangelical who won’t vote for anybody who’s pro-choice in terms of abortion,” Hankins said.

Olson agreed. “Conservative people of faith—particularly conservative evangelicals— cannot be expected too much to deviate” from past voting patterns, she said. “You are not going to see some kind of sea change in that kind of constituency.”

Middle-of-the-road Protestants and Catholics are the real religious constituency to watch, Olson said. If Democrats can win significant numbers of them back, it could wrap up the election.

“You really need to look at mainline Protestants and Catholics,” she said. “It really isn’t new. Both of these groups have been swing constituencies for 10 to 15 years.”

A final unknown is the role of former vice president Al Gore, who barely lost to Bush in 2000. He has not yet explicitly ruled out a repeat run for the presidency.

Olson called him “the 800-pound gorilla” of the Democratic field. “I think he could win (the general election)—I really, really do—perhaps more than any of the other Democrats in the race now,” she said.

But, she added: “It depends on how much he is allowed to be the authentic Al Gore.”

Olson said Gore could reach many of the same religious voters to whom Obama and Edwards appeal by talking “about how his faith plays into his passion for the environment.”

Hankins, however, said even a rehabilitated Gore, more than offering a sense of hope, would stir up painful memories of 2000. “I’d be surprised if Gore could elicit the same type of excitement that Obama could,” he said.

Still, both experts said, the way the 2008 election is developing means the evangelical right’s dominance in GOP politics is up for grabs.

“I think the Christian Right is to the Republican Party what labor was to the Democratic Party in the ’50s,” Hankins said. “They’re not going to go away. They’re going to be a constituency. They’re going to have some influence.”

In coming decades, conservative religious voices may no longer have the kind of dominance over GOP presidential politics they have enjoyed in recent years, Olson said.

“For it to make a really big difference now is less likely than making a big difference 10, 15, 20 years from now.”




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GOP presidential race again features faith, but new dynamics

Posted: 4/16/07

GOP presidential race again
features faith, but new dynamics

By Robert Marus

ABP Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON (ABP)—With Democratic front-runners talking openly about evangelical-style conversion experiences and Republicans lamenting that none of their top-tier candidates are bona fide social conservatives, experts say the 2008 presidential campaign may rewrite political playbooks on the role of faith.

“Of course this could all change, but right now there’s no candidate out there that really energizes evangelical voters the way that (President) Bush did” in the 2000 and 2004 elections, said Barry Hankins, a religion and politics expert at Baylor University.

See Related Stories:
Faith-based positions of presidential hopefuls compared

Democratic presidential race features more faith than usual

• GOP presidential race again features faith, but new dynamics

View comparisons as a graphical chart

And, noted Clemson University political scientist Laura Olson, at least two of the top three Democratic candidates have shown they can “speak ‘evangelical-ese’” and appeal to evangelical and other religious voters.

Has the politics-and-religion script been flipped? Experts say a massive rearrangement of voting patterns among religious conservatives probably won’t happen in this election. But the election may signal the beginning of a significant shift in the dynamics of faith and politics over the long term—and even small shifts in the way certain demographic groups cast their ballots can mean big results for an electorate that has been closely divided between the Democrats and the GOP for nearly a decade.

In the end, experts say, the way in which faith issues affect the 2008 election will depend heavily on which candidate each party nominates—and the dynamic between the two final contenders.

In the race for the Republican nomination, the current front-runners exhibit a number of apparent contradictions:

• An Episcopalian who reportedly attends a Southern Baptist church and who has a rocky relationship with Christian conservative powerbrokers (John McCain);

• A Roman Catholic whose views on abortion and gays are at odds with both the Vatican and his own party’s platform (Rudy Giuliani); and

• A Mormon who has reinvented himself as pro-family after previously supporting abortion rights and once declaring he would do more for gays than liberal stalwart Sen. Ted Kennedy. (Mitt Romney).

Waiting in the GOP wings, meanwhile, are a thrice-married Southern Baptist who recently admitted to an extramarital affair, a socially conservative Church of Christ former senator whose evangelical credentials have been questioned by James Dobson and another Catholic New Yorker who is supportive of gay rights and abortion rights.

And the GOP candidates with the strongest social-conservative credentials— including a Southern Baptist minister—have raised little money and are polling near the bottom among potential Republican voters.

The top three Republicans—in poll numbers and fundraising totals for the first quarter of 2007—are Arizona Sen. John McCain, former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, and former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani. Each has had difficulties with elements of the conservative Christian community.

Although McCain has a strong conservative voting record on social issues, he has embraced positions that have angered some leaders of the Religious Right.

“I can see the evangelical Republicans saying, ‘You know, he’s better than the opposition.’ But there’s not going to be the excitement for him that you had for Reagan or Bush,” said Baylor’s Hankins, who teaches history and church-state studies at Baylor. He is the author of Uneasy in Babylon: Southern Baptist Conservatives and American Culture.

Clemson’s Olson, who co-edited the book Christian Clergy in American Politics, said McCain “has a real struggle with” talking about “things in a faith-based way.”

With McCain, she said, “there isn’t going to be that genuine connection that, frankly, somebody like George W. Bush had” with conservative religious voters.

Giuliani, in a poll of white evangelical Republicans released recently by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, polled well with potential voters. He and McCain were roughly even as the front-runners.

However, Hankins and Olson said, Giuliani’s longstanding moderate stances on social issues—he is pro-choice and pro-gay-rights—may dampen the enthusiasm of evangelicals’ support for him. Many politics experts believed heavy turnout for Bush among evangelical voters in 2000 and 2004 played a crucial role in his two narrow victories.

“The turnout issue, I think, is going to be a very significant problem (for Republicans) if it’s Giuliani,” she said.

But Hankins noted that the former mayor’s chances in the general election may depend on which Democrat he ultimately runs against. “Evangelicals might support Giuliani if the alternative is bad enough,” he said.

The same dynamic may end up boosting McCain in the primary election, Olson said. “If it really comes down to him and Giuliani trying to get the nomination, McCain would be the lesser of two evils for the ‘values’ constituency…,” she said, referring to a term for conservative religious voters popularized after the 2004 election.

In addition, two possibilities could doom Giuliani in the general election: A third-party candidate who appeals to social conservatives dissatisfied with their choices or a Democratic opponent who appeals to conservative religious voters.

Romney, meanwhile, has surprisingly come in first thus far among fellow Republicans in the all-important fundraising polls, but he is not gaining much support in surveys of potential evangelical Republican voters. Both Olson and Hankins said evangelical reluctance to support him might stem more from his recent pedigree of social conservatism than from his Mormonism.

The former governor of one of the nation’s most liberal states would be the first member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints to become a major party’s presidential nominee. He has campaigned for president as a strong opponent of abortion rights and same-sex marriage. But, in his gubernatorial campaigns, he was strongly pro-choice and pro-gay-rights.

Romney’s rhetoric began to change with the furor sparked by the state’s legalizing gay marriage in 2004. Debate the next year over a bill dealing with embryonic stem-cell research caused his abortion views to evolve, he has said.

Romney’s short history of social conservatism may hobble him more than his controversial religion among voters who value true believers on hot-button social issues, Olson said.

“I really, really think that it’s less that he’s a Mormon and more that he’s not a dyed-in-the-wool social conservative,” she said.

But Hankins took a different view. Romney’s faith may remain a problem in his race through the GOP primaries, he insisted. “I think what you would need there, you’d need (James) Dobson and (Pat) Robertson and (Jerry) Falwell and every big-name Christian Right person you can think of get out front and … explain why you should support a Mormon.”

However, Hankins added, conservative evangelicals have long made political and social alliances with Mormons despite their theological disagreements. “You’re still on the same side of the cultural divide that Christian Right warriors see in America—the moral divide.”

Regarding Romney’s newly found social conservatism, Hankins said he may actually have some advantage with evangelicals.

“Evangelicals believe in conversion,” he said. “You know, (President Ronald) Reagan was pro-choice at one time.”

The two viable GOP candidates with the most appeal to evangelicals and other social conservatives include a Baptist minister—former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee—and Kansas Sen. Sam Brownback, a stalwart opponent of abortion rights and gay rights.

Their numbers, however, put them far behind the top three and just ahead of obscure Republican also-rans like Colorado Rep. Tom Tancredo and California Rep. Duncan Hunter.

“They don’t have the kind of star quality to attract the attention of the media that then allows people to get excited about them,” Hankins said.

Hankins and Olson said Huckabee—whose style and charisma may appeal to moderates in the general election—has the potential to do far better, were he to possess the resources of the top-tier candidates.

“Huckabee, if he could move to the front of the pack, the Christian-Right evangelicals would jump all over that,” Hankins said. “But it’s a matter of getting to the front of the pack.”

Perhaps GOP strategists and big-money donors have strategically coalesced around candidates without strong Religious Right credentials, Olson suggested. “Since President Bush is becoming less and less popular overall … maybe there’s some sense that, if the Republicans want to win in 2008 … then you’ve got to pick somebody who is going to be, in some real obvious way, different than George W. Bush.”

Another aspect that could impact how faith affects the election is candidates who have yet to enter the fray but who have serious star power. After all, the first primaries are nearly 10 months away.

At least three Republicans could still step into the race and contend seriously with the leading candidates: former House Speaker Newt Gingrich of Georgia, former New York Gov. George Pataki, and former Tennessee Sen.—and current TV star—Fred Thompson.

Gingrich and Thompson would have the strongest appeal to social conservatives because of their voting records, Olson and Hankins said. However, they both have drawbacks.

Gingrich is on his third marriage, and his two previous marriages ended badly. He recently appeared on Dobson’s radio program—highly popular among evangelicals— to confess an affair near the end of his second marriage. It took place even as he led the charge against then-President Bill Clinton for lying about his own maritial infidelity.

“There are times that I have fallen short of my own standards. There’s certainly times when I’ve fallen short of God’s standards and my neighbors’ standards,” Gingrich said, saying he had asked for God’s forgiveness.

Gingrich’s first wife—who had been his high-school math teacher—has said he discussed divorce details with her as she was in the hospital recovering from cancer surgery. Gingrich has said he does not recall whether that happened.

He married his second wife, Marianne Gingrich, months after his first marriage ended in 1980. The second divorce came in 1999, after he acknowledged an affair with Callista Bisek, a congressional aide more than 20 years his junior. He soon married Bisek.

Hankins said Christian conservatives could be convinced that Gingrich, the former conservative revolutionary, has put such escapades behind him.

“If Gingrich could do in the moral sphere what Romney might be able to do in the political sphere—that is, convince people he’s had a conversion,” then he has a chance of winning the nomination, he said. “That’s going to be tough, but he’s got all the political and religio-political stances the Religious Right loves.”

But Olson said Gingrich, like Romney, risks appearing inauthentic.

“I think Gingrich goes and he talks to Dobson, you know, for strategic reasons. But does that end up looking forced, in the way that it might end up looking forced for McCain?” she asked, referring to the senator’s recent attempts to mend fences with conservative Christian leaders he angered. The move came under significant criticism from some of McCain’s previous supporters.

Thompson, meanwhile, has low name recognition—but his face appears on millions of television screens every week as an actor in NBC’s Law & Order series. Dobson recently questioned whether Thompson, despite his strong social-conservative voting record, was a committed Christian. The former senator has said little publicly about his personal faith.

Olson said that exchange is significant for evangelicals.

“Whatever Dobson says, people are going to pay attention to,” she said. “But, I think, if you’re Dobson, if you are the ‘pro-family’ movement … and you’re looking at the (GOP) landscape and there’s nobody that we like, then one may realize Thompson is one’s best choice. And you start to say, ‘O.K., maybe we were a little harsh on you to begin with.’”

Pataki, both agreed, would have many of the same problems among religious voters as Giuliani. His moderate positions on social issues are similar to those of his fellow New Yorker.


News of religion, faith, missions, Bible study and Christian ministry among Baptist churches, in Texas, the BGCT, the nation and around the world.




Faith-based positions of presidential hopefuls compared

Posted: 4/16/07

Faith-based positions of
presidential hopefuls compared

By Robert Marus

ABP Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON (ABP) — Perhaps the only thing more mind-boggling than the quantity of presidential hopefuls in 2008 is the array of faith-based views represented among the candidates themselves.

Consider profiles of the top candidates in each major party. The profiles include notes about their faith background, their perception among conservative religious voters and their positions on selected major issues that interest religious voters of all ideologies.

Compare the Candidates:
Republicans
John McCain
Mitt Romney
Rudolph Giuliani

Democracts
Hillary Clinton
Barack Obama
John Edwards

View as a graphical chart

See Related Stories:
• Faith-based positions of presidential hopefuls compared

Democratic presidential race features more faith than usual

GOP presidential race again features faith, but new dynamics

Current Republican front-runners

Arizona Sen. John McCain

Faith background: McCain was raised in the Episcopal Church and still calls himself an Episcopalian. However, he and his wife reportedly are long-time attendees at North Phoenix Baptist Church, a large Southern Baptist congregation in Phoenix.

Relationship with Religious Right: McCain has amassed a voting record that is, overall, strongly socially conservative. Still, his efforts on campaign-finance reform long angered some conservative leaders who feared his plan could reduce the effectiveness of anti-abortion groups. He angered the Religious Right with a 2000 speech during his first presidential run in which he assailed broadcasters Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson as “agents of intolerance” who were bad for religion and politics.

Last year, in a move widely viewed by political observers to be an attempt to mend fences before for his 2008 presidential run, McCain delivered a speech at Falwell’s Liberty University in Lynchburg, Va. It was reportedly well received.

On abortion: McCain opposes legalized abortion in most cases and supports overturning Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court decision that legalized abortion. He also has voted in favor of bills expanding federal funding for embryonic stem-cell research. Many anti-abortionists view such research as tantamount to abortion because the extraction of stem cells kills the embryos.

On gay rights: McCain’s record on gay rights is somewhat mixed. While he voted to kill a proposed federal constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage, he endorsed a similar amendment on the state level in Arizona. He has said he believes the issue should be settled by the states.

For the last three two-year sessions of Congress, McCain received scores of 33 percent (109th Congress), 25 percent (108th Congress) and 14 percent (107th Congress) from the Human Rights Campaign. The gay-rights group rates members of Congress based on their votes on gay-related issues. A higher percentage indicates more gay-friendliness than a lower percentage.

On Iraq: McCain voted to authorize President Bush to go to war in Iraq. While he has sometimes criticized how Bush has conducted the war, he remains one of the staunchest opponents of pulling American troops out of Iraq.

On the relationship between church and state: While McCain has voted to uphold government endorsements of religion, he has also decried some of the Religious Right’s rhetoric. He has voted to confirm all of President Bush’s picks for the federal courts— including several about whom church-state separationist groups expressed concerns. McCain also has been a longtime supporter of expanding the government’s ability to fund social services through churches and other religious charities. McCain has been a strong supporter of government-funded voucher programs that include religious schools.
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Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney

Faith background: Romney is a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. He would be the first Mormon nominated for the presidency by a major party.

Relationship with Religious Right: The former governor of one of the nation’s most liberal states campaigned for his previous offices by expressing views decidedly to the left of some he currently espouses. Some conservative evangelical leaders have expressed discomfort over his history. In addition, several evangelical groups—notably, the Southern Baptist Convention—have denounced Mormonism as a cult or a deviation from Christianity. Polls show that somewhere between a quarter and a third of potential voters would not vote for a Mormon president.

On abortion: In a recent speech to a group of South Carolina Democrats, Romney declared himself “firmly pro-life.” However, he has come under withering criticism from Democrats and those in his own party for his changing stances on abortion rights. In his campaigns for Massachusetts governor, he said he would enforce a woman’s right to choose abortion.

On gay rights: In a failed 1994 Senate campaign to unseat liberal stalwart Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.), Romney famously wrote a letter seeking support from the gay group Log Cabin Republicans. In it, he said, “We must make equality for gays and lesbians a mainstream concern” and promised to do more to advance gay rights in the Senate than Kennedy would.

More recently, Romney has been hailed as a celebrity in resistance to gay rights. After Massachusetts became the first state in the nation to legalize same-sex marriage in 2005, Romney led efforts to pass a state constitutional amendment to revoke the practice. He has spoken around the country in support of two failed efforts to pass a similar amendment to the federal Constitution. In the past, he has said gay marriage should be decided by the states.

When the 1994 Log Cabin letter came to light late last year, Religious Right leaders expressed suspicion.

“This is quite disturbing,” said Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council, according to the conservative website NewsMax.com. “This type of information is going to create a lot of problems for Gov. Romney.”

On Iraq: Romney supports Bush’s Iraq policy, including his decision to “surge” the number of U.S. troops in Iraq by more than 20,000. He has offered some criticisms of the way Bush has handled the war, but they have been more muted than McCain’s critiques.

On the relationship between church and state: Romney has supported government endorsements of religious faith, including keeping religious slogans and items on currency and government property. He has also been a supporter of government funding for religious charities.
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Former New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani

Faith background: Giuliani is a lifelong Roman Catholic, although many of his social views are at odds with the church’s official teachings. In a 1994 speech on religion, delivered shortly after he became mayor, Giuliani said Catholicism provided a moral and intellectual framework for his life.

“The church has built the road that allows my intellect to traverse to the outer reaches of what is comprehensible and, at that point, the church offers a leap of faith to carry me where my intellect cannot go,” he said, according to the New York Times. “For me, being a Catholic is not limiting but liberating.”

Relationship with Religious Right: Religious Right leaders have viewed Giuliani with great suspicion because of his moderate-to-liberal views on several social issues. Religious Right leaders have also expressed dissatisfaction with Giuliani’s personal life, which includes three marriages—the second of which ended in a messy, public way while he was still mayor —and strained relationships with his children.

However, a recent poll of evangelical Republican voters by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life showed Giuliani besting other GOP hopefuls.

And, in an echo of McCain, Giuliani was scheduled to speak April 17 at Regent University, the Virginia Beach, Va., school founded by Pat Robertson.

On abortion: Giuliani’s long-stated position is similar to that of many Democrats. He has said that, while he personally disapproves of it, he believes it should nonetheless remain legal. In a recent Fox News interview, he said of abortion, “I hate it.” He added: “I think abortion is something that, as a personal matter, I would advise somebody against. However, I believe in a woman’s right to choose.”

Nonetheless, he has also reportedly begun telling Republican audiences in presidential primary states that he would appoint only “strict constructionist” judges to the federal judiciary. Many abortion opponents take that as an indication that he would appoint judges likely to believe that Roe v. Wade was wrongfully decided and that the Constitution does not protect abortion rights.

On gay rights: Giuliani opposes legalizing same-sex marriage, but he has been a strong supporter of gay rights in almost every other respect. Among the gay-rights provisions he supported was a domestic-partnership law that provides gay New York couples with similar protections and responsibilities as married couples. He has also marched in gay-pride parades. According to multiple news reports, during his second divorce he temporarily lived with a gay couple who were his close friends. He opposes a federal constitutional ban on same-sex marriage.

On Iraq: Giuliani, like McCain and Romney, supports Bush’s troop surge and opposes pulling the troops out anytime soon.

On the relationship between church and state: Giuliani has spoken little about his support for government expressions of religion or government support for religious charities. In a debate during his 2000 senatorial bid—he withdrew from the contest after a cancer diagnosis—he defended the Ten Commandments as an integral part of Western history. He has also said he opposes government-sanctioned prayer in public schools.

In the 1994 speech, he called for believers and non-believers alike to tolerate each other in civil society: “I will work as hard to protect someone’s right to believe in God … (as) not to believe in God, because I realize that my right to practice my religion depends completely on my commitment to defend someone else’s right to practice theirs.”

As mayor, Giuliani advocated a school-voucher plan that included religious schools.
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Current Democratic front-runners

New York Sen. Hillary Clinton

Faith background: Clinton is a cradle-roll Methodist and has been active in the United Methodist Church most of her life. She is also reportedly a regular participant in one of the many small-group Bible studies comprised of members of Congress. The top-secret meetings are closed to outsiders and the press.

Relationship with Religious Right: While evangelicals have been highly suspicious of Clinton and her husband, she has made some attempts to reach out to them in preparation for her presidential bid.

On abortion: Clinton is a longstanding supporter of abortion rights, but she has attempted to moderate her public rhetoric on the issue. In a widely reported 2005 speech on abortion rights, Clinton continued to endorse legalized abortion but also called it a “sad, even tragic, choice to many, many women” and appealed to anti-abortion groups and abortion-rights supporters to find “common ground” on ways to reduce the number of abortions.

Most anti-abortion groups were critical of the speech. They noted that Clinton still opposes banning a late-term abortion procedure pro-lifers label “partial-birth abortion.”

On gay rights: Clinton opposes full same-sex marriage, but she supports the legal equivalent— known as “civil unions.” However, she has also said she would not oppose a New York state law legalizing gay marriage if it wins the support of a majority of state legislators. She opposes a federal constitutional amendment banning gay marriage.

On Iraq: Clinton was one of the Democratic senators who voted in favor of authorizing Bush to go war in 2002. Despite demands from anti-war Democratic activists, she has declined to apologize for that vote, saying Bush misled her and her colleagues into believing the war was justified because Iraq threatened the United States.

She has advocated a gradual “phased redeployment” of American troops in Iraq in order to get them out of the war zone. She also opposed Bush’s “surge” plan.

On the relationship between church and state: Clinton supports using religious groups to provide secular social services but has opposed some of Bush’s attempts to expand their ability to do so. In a 2005 speech, she reportedly said some politicians had created a “false division” between supporting church-state separation and supporting the provision of non-religious public services by religious groups.

In her 2000 senatorial campaign, she opposed the posting of the Ten Commandments in public schools, saying it would violate the Constitution.

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Illinois Sen. Barack Obama

Faith background: Obama has said he was raised in a secular household, the child of a Kenyan immigrant father who was a Muslim-turned-atheist and an irreligious mother whose parents were non-practicing Protestants. After working as a community organizer with African-American churches on Chicago’s South Side, he made a conscious decision to become a Christian and join Trinity United Church of Christ.

He said he had doubts about some aspects of Christian doctrine. “But, kneeling beneath that cross on the South Side (of Chicago), I felt I heard God’s Spirit beckoning me,” he said, noting that he realized all humans were sinful and had intellectual doubts about God.

Relationship with Religious Right: Older, more established Religious Right leaders have been highly critical of Obama’s support for abortion rights. However, he has enjoyed a positive relationship with younger and more progressive evangelicals. He gave a highly publicized speech last year to a Christian anti-poverty conference in which he called on progressives to reclaim a moral vocabulary when talking about economic justice.

Later in 2006, Obama was one of the headlined speakers at an evangelical conference on preventing the spread of AIDS hosted by evangelical superstar Rick Warren, pastor of one of the nation’s largest congregations. While several conservative evangelical leaders wrote a public letter criticizing Warren for allowing a pro-choice politician to speak from the pulpit of his Saddleback Church near Los Angeles, Warren and Obama both brushed off the criticism.

“While we will never see eye to eye on all issues, surely we can come together with one voice to honor the entirety of Christ’s teachings by working to eradicate the scourge of AIDS, poverty and other challenges we all can agree must be met,” Obama said, in a statement responding to the critique.

On abortion: Obama supports abortion rights and voted against a statewide ban on “partial-birth” abortions when he was in the Illinois Legislature. In his campaign autobiography, The Audacity of Hope, he told a story from his 2004 Senate campaign about encountering an abortion protester who told him, “‘I pray that you have a change of heart.’“

Obama continued: “Neither my mind nor my heart changed that day, nor did they in the days to come. But that night, before I went to bed, I said a prayer of my own—that I might extend the same presumption of good faith to others that had been extended to me.”

On gay rights: Like Clinton, Obama opposes full same-sex marriage and supports civil unions. However, he wrote in The Audacity of Hope that he remains “open to the possibility that my unwillingness to support gay marriage is misguided … I may have been infected with society’s prejudices and predilections and attributed them to God.”

He also opposes a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage.

On Iraq: Obama opposed the war from its inception, when he was still a state senator. He also campaigned for the U.S. Senate in 2004 as an anti-war candidate. He has introduced a bill in Congress that would withdraw the vast majority of U.S. troops from Iraq within a year.

On the relationship between church and state: Obama has said he believes in church-state separation but doesn’t believe in separating religious beliefs from public life. In his 2006 speech to Christian anti-poverty activists, he said, “To say that men and women should not inject their ‘personal morality’ into public-policy debates is a practical absurdity. If we progressives shed some of these biases, we might recognize some overlapping values that religious and secular people share.”

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Former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards

Faith background: Edwards was raised and baptized in a Southern Baptist church in North Carolina. His parents remain active members of the First Baptist Church in Robbins, N.C. Edwards became a Methodist as an adult. In a recent Beliefnet interview, he said he and his wife, Elizabeth, attended church regularly after they married, but their faith didn’t become an intense daily activity until after the death of their 16-year-old son, Wade, in a 1996 automobile accident.

Now, Edwards said, “It’s important in my case to have a personal relationship with the Lord, so that I pray daily and I feel that relationship all the time.”

Relationship with Religious Right: Edwards’ views on abortion rights have won him few fans among conservative Christian leaders, despite his Baptist connections. However, Clemson University political scientist Laura Olson said Edwards has demonstrated an ability to “speak ‘evangelical-ese’“ and use religious language to talk about “the immorality of poverty.”

“If he can bring that back, that is absolutely the kind of thing that is going to … play pretty well with religious Americans, regardless of what religious tradition you are part of,” she said. “I mean, evangelicals care about poverty.”

On abortion: Edwards is a long-time supporter of abortion rights; he opposed the federal partial-birth abortion ban. In 2003, NARAL Pro-Choice America, one of the nation’s largest abortion-rights groups, gave him a perfect 100 percent pro-choice rating for his voting record on abortion.

On gay rights: Like Obama and Clinton, Edwards has said he personally opposes legalizing gay marriage but supports civil unions. During his 2004 presidential bid, he reportedly said he believes gay marriage should be an issue decided by the states. While in the Senate, he opposed a federal constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage.

In a speech late last year in New Hampshire, he said he had struggled mightily with his opinion on legalizing same-sex marriage. “Civil unions? Yes. Partnership benefits? Yes,” he said, according to the Associated Press. “But it’s a jump for me to get to gay marriage. I haven’t yet got across that bridge.”

On Iraq: In the Senate in 2002, Edwards voted to authorize going to war. Since then, he has apologized for that vote and proposed withdrawing all U.S. troops from the war zone within a year and a half.

In a 2005 Washington Post opinion column, Edwards said, “The world desperately needs moral leadership from America, and the foundation for moral leadership is telling the truth.” He urged America to admit it was wrong to go to war. “While we can’t change the past, we need to accept responsibility, because a key part of restoring America’s moral leadership is acknowledging when we’ve made mistakes or been proven wrong— and showing that we have the creativity and guts to make it right,” he wrote.

On the relationship between church and state: In his Beliefnet interview, Edwards staked out a position on moral and religious impulses informing policy much like Obama’s.

“I do believe in the separation of church and state. But I don’t think separation of church and state means you have to be free from your faith,” he said. “My faith informs everything I think and do. It’s part of my value system. And to suggest that I can somehow separate and divorce that from the rest of me is not possible.”

However, he added, “I would not, under any circumstances, try to impose my personal faith and belief on the rest of the country.”


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Blogger-activist pastors to press SBC to deal with sexual abuse

Posted: 4/16/07

Blogger-activist pastors to press
SBC to deal with sexual abuse

By Hannah Elliott

Associated Baptist Press

ARLINGTON (ABP)—With increasing national attention on Baptist churches’ problems with clergy sex abuse, two pastors with an Internet following have said they intend to push for more comprehensive ways to address the problem in the 16-million member Southern Baptist Convention.

Oklahoma pastor Wade Burleson and Texas pastor Benjamin Cole intend to present a motion and resolution regarding the abuse problem at the annual SBC meeting, set for June 12 and 13 in San Antonio. The two have gained convention-wide attention in the past year for their blog-driven efforts to reform the denomination.

Burleson, pastor of Emmanuel Baptist Church in Enid, Okla., will bring a motion calling for a study on the possibility of developing a database of Southern Baptist ministers convicted of sexual harassment and abuse. The motion will ask the SBC Executive Committee to report results from the study at the 2008 annual meeting, scheduled for Indianapolis.

See Related Articles:
TV news magazine investigates sexual abuse in Protestant churches

SBC response to ABC 20/20 segment on sexual predators in ministry

• Blogger-activist pastors to press SBC to deal with sexual abuse

Cole, who leads Parkview Baptist Church in Arlington, will introduce a resolution titled “On Clergy Sexual Abuse.”

“Southern Baptists have not fully explored every option to protect our churches and our children from the threat of potential victimization and abuse at the hands of predatory clergy,” the resolution says. It also calls upon SBC-affiliated churches to “pursue every possible avenue in determining the moral character and ethical conduct of ministry candidates.”

Cole’s proposal also urges convention agencies, institutions and commissions to “take bold steps to educate Southern Baptists concerning the indications associated with and the reporting of child victimization.”

A segment on the April 13 edition of the ABC News program 20/20 focused on clergy sex abuse in the SBC and other denominations. Prior to airing the report, ABC producers said the story explored the unique problem that the Baptist style of church government— whose cornerstone is the autonomy of the local church—poses to denomination-wide efforts to combat the problem.

SBC president Frank Page was interviewed for the 20/20 segment. He wrote an open letter to Southern Baptists addressing the state of the problem, which he said is not “systematic and large-scale” in the denomination.

In the April 2 letter, Page said even one instance of sexual abuse is too much and urged local churches to take action against predators. He also called on churches to require background checks on national and state levels and to conduct “thorough reference checks” on when hiring ministers and other church staff.

“The local church is where accountability must be enforced,” he said. “I call upon every local church to develop written policy guidelines for the care of children and youth. I call upon every church to have a system or policy in place to deal with any accusations made. … Simply put, there is no place in the church for persons who would take advantage of these relationships.”

Page has said the autonomy of the local church is a biblical mandate, so local churches must take it upon themselves to avoid, uncover and prosecute predators.




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TV news magazine investigates sexual abuse in Protestant churches

Posted: 4/18/07

TV news magazine investigates
sexual abuse in Protestant churches

By Hannah Elliott

Associated Baptist Press

NEW YORK (ABP)—ABC’s 20/20 examined the problems with clergy sexual abuse in the Southern Baptist Convention April 13, warning that some convicted “preacher predators” remain on an SBC’s list of ministers available for employment.

Featuring interviews with Southern Baptist Convention president Frank Page and clergy sex-abuse-survivor-turned-activist Christa Brown, the program investigated how denominations without hierarchical authority can protect vulnerable parties from abuse by ministers.

See Related Articles:
• TV news magazine investigates sexual abuse in Protestant churches

SBC response to ABC 20/20 segment on sexual predators in ministry

Blogger-activist pastors to press SBC to deal with sexual abuse

The show also featured footage of Ken Ward, a former Southern Baptist preacher from Texas who admitted to molesting 40 boys during his tenure. Ward served five years in prison and is now under house arrest.

He said he knows that other predators think the same way he does.

“You look for a vulnerable child,” Ward said. “You look for a child that is needy and lonely, because you take the father’s place.”

Parents have it all wrong when it comes to protecting their children from sexual abuse, he said. Instead of fearing strange men in dark alleys, they should be wary of trusted figures with unsupervised access to children— such as Sunday school teachers or youth leaders who can manipulate children’s emotional attachments to them.

“People saw me as someone that would never harm their child,” he said. “What I would do as a pastor is I would start youth groups. Parents should be aware of a youth-group leader who is too attached to particular children.”

Brown, a longtime advocate of reforming the way the SBC deals with abuse allegations, echoed Ward’s warnings. Her efforts stem from her own experience with clergy abuse, which she said happened in 1968.

“There is no place where teens are more exposed and more vulnerable than when they speak their hearts to God,” Brown said, adding that she loved church life as a child.

“What’s so terrible about this crime is that the weapon is the kid’s faith,” she said.

One unidentified victim of clergy sexual abuse spoke in the 20/20 segment. The boy, who was molested by music minister Shawn Davies in a Kentucky Baptist church, said he felt betrayed by God after the abuse.

“I felt betrayed by everybody, and I hated everybody. And I hated myself the most,” the boy said. “I wanted to die. I didn’t want to be alive.”

In an interview with reporter Jim Avila, the boy’s father said church members “turned their heads” when they learned about the abuse. Davies is now serving 20 years in prison for molesting children at churches in Missouri and Kentucky.

Lee Orth, who was involved in helping churches recover after the Davies case, said even one phone call from one of the churches that harbored Davies could have prevented at least two instances of abuse in churches that subsequently employed him.

Page, the SBC president, has exhorted churches to make that call. On 20/20, he said even one instance of sexual abuse is too much. And because the denomination’s churches are completely autonomous, local church leaders must police themselves, he said.

Despite the absence of a conventionwide database of sexual molesters, Avila pointed out to Page that six convicted and jailed “preacher predators” were on a list of eligible ministers on the SBC website. Page encouraged churches to investigate such problems.

“If it would help to have some kind of national database, I know we’re looking into that,” Page later said.

Benjamin Cole, an Arlington pastor who intends to present a resolution regarding clergy sex-abuse at this year’s annual SBC meeting, said he was pleased with Page’s willingness to speak publicly about the issue. The president’s leadership at “this critical juncture in the life of our convention” is essential, Cole said.

Southern Baptists watched as Catholics scrambled to respond to the growing crisis of predatory clergy but were “far too busy noticing the splinters in our neighbor’s eye when motes were lodged in our own,” he said.

“We can no longer claim ignorance or indifference to this crisis,” Cole said. “It remains to be seen how aggressive our efforts will become to protect those who are most defenseless in our churches.”

Cole said he was also moved by Brown’s testimony.

Brown said her abuse was “profoundly painful”—something about which she takes no joy in publicly speaking.

“My constant hope and prayer is that, by doing so, I may help people in the pews to understand the extent of the problem so that they will insist on effective denominational action to make kids safer,” she said.

Sadly, Brown said, 20/20 highlighted only the most recent cases of clergy sex-abuse—“the tip of the iceberg.”

“Because of the nature of the trauma, most people who were sexually abused in childhood and adolescence do not speak of it for many, many years,” Brown said. “When they do finally speak, it is usually too late for criminal prosecution. The denomination must find a way to effectively address those sorts of clergy-abuse reports.”

And if such reports are treated seriously only when perpetrators earn criminal convictions, then far too many kids will continue to be physically and spiritually abused, she said.

Such a scenario is all too familiar in many of the recent Southern Baptist abuse cases. Ward, the pedophile under house arrest, said many abusers fly under the radar for years.

“Anybody could have talked to the churches I was with, and they would have praised me,” Ward said. “I suspect not much has changed.”






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SBC response to ABC 20/20 segment on sexual predators in ministry

Posted: 4/16/07

SBC response to ABC 20/20 segment
on sexual predators in ministry

By D. August Boto

NASHVILLE, Tenn. (BP)–Unfortunately, the 20/20 report last Friday had the effect of misleading at least some of its viewers to believe that the Southern Baptist Convention somehow condones, hides or denies sexual offenses committed by ministers in SBC-affiliated churches. The convention does none of those things. Quite the contrary.

The report included accurate assertions, certainly. For instance, it is true that Southern Baptist ministers have been charged and/or convicted of sexually abusing children. It is true that in some of those instances, abuse had occurred earlier at churches where those men had been previously employed. It is apparently true that at least in one case a church previously employing a sexual predator and the church employing the offender at the time of his ultimate arrest, did not communicate with each other in a way that disclosed any earlier indication of moral failure. It may be true that other churches have similarly failed to communicate.

See Related Articles:
TV news magazine investigates sexual abuse in Protestant churches

• SBC response to ABC 20/20 segment on sexual predators in ministry

Blogger-activist pastors to press SBC to deal with sexual abuse

It is not true, however, that the Southern Baptist Convention has qualified or endorsed any minister a church has chosen. There is an explicit statement saying as much on the same page the interviewer used to locate the ministers he named. So it is the local churches which do the qualifying, not the SBC. 20/20 referred to the list of ministers as "the list of available ministers." It would have been more accurate to refer to it as the "list of serving ministers." The convention merely shares information provided by its affiliated churches.

It is ironic that a news service would find fault in the SBC's reporting of a fact. Imagine what 20/20 would have said had the convention NOT included the names of those men in its list of present church ministers. Whether 20/20 approves of the practice or not, we believe it is best to report openly, for the benefit of everyone INCLUDING VICTIMS, the names of ministers our affiliated churches are employing.

The ABC report also left a misperception regarding what the convention "would allow." By posing the question to President Page as the interviewer did, and editing out the bulk of the interview and Dr. Page's responses, the report left the impression that the convention was being arbitrary in "not allowing" women ministers or homosexual ministers, and yet "allowing" ministers who are convicted or suspected sexual predators.

The fact is the convention does not control a church's employment of its ministers on ANY basis. A church is free to employ anyone it wishes as pastor. All the convention says is that if the church employs a gay person as pastor then the convention will no longer consider that church to be in friendly cooperation with the convention, but that does not mean the convention can control whom a church employs as its pastor.

Additionally, as is always the case when alarming, but misleading information is first reported, public reaction is to call for correction. Unfortunately, the solutions being offered often relate to the misperception that was received, and therefore many of those solutions are either inappropriate or unproductive.

For instance, the suggested solution of producing a list of sex offenders at the convention level overlooks the fact that, in most of the cases being cited, the perpetrators had no criminal record.

Additionally, the 20/20 report made the point that in the cases cited, including the egregious cases involving Ken Ward and Shawn Davies, the churches where those men initially committed their crimes did not report them.

The quality and ameliorative ability of any national database would be directly proportional to the quality of the input. In neither of those cases would a national database have been of any help at all because it would have contained no report on either of those men. Nevertheless, we are still examining possibilities of that option. But any solution which is of no real benefit holds no appeal for us, especially if it operates to create a false sense of security as people depend on it.

I do, however, see a major benefit to the airing of the 20/20 segment — that it significantly raised the level of apprehension and wariness among Southern Baptists who have responsibilities in qualifying volunteers and perspective employees.

Significant impact in reducing instances of sexual abuse must start at the local level. The authority is there, the children are there, the applicants are there, the circumstances are understood better there, and the child's most motivated defenders are there — their parents.

D. August Boto is general counsel and vice president for convention policy with the Executive Committee of the Southern Baptist Convention.


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Volunteers provide relief when tornado hits North Texas

Posted: 4/16/07

Texas Baptist Men chainsaw team volunteers Joel Bachman (left) and Ken Hullperch precariously atop a Haltom City home damaged by a tornado, seeking to remove a tree limb.

Volunteers provide relief
when tornado hits North Texas 

By Barbara Bedrick

Texas Baptist Communications

HALTOM CITY—As tears streamed down her face, Ruth Gunson found relief after a tornado, thanks to volunteers from Texas Baptist Men Disaster Relief and Victim Relief Ministries.

Gunson and her family are trying to pick up the pieces after a tornado uprooted trees and sent limbs more than five-feet in circumference into her house, leaving two gaping holes in its roof. 

“We have no electricity and no insurance, but we’re alive,” Gunson said.

Haltom City storm victim Ruth Gunson sheds tears as Texas Baptist Men remove storm damage and Victim Relief Ministries offer comfort after an April 13 tornado hit North Texas.

High winds, severe storms, heavy rain and a tornado killed two people and damaged more than 150 homes in Tarrant County.

Haltom City, just north of Fort Worth, experienced some of the worst damage. The storm left two churches in shambles, tore roofs off homes and heavily damaged a grocery store. Gunson, her husband and their 17-year-old daughter live in a house located almost directly behind the supermarket.

“We were watching Channel 4, and I saw (the tornado) … was going to hit the (Texas Motor Speedway) racetrack. I told my daughter to call her friend and warn him, because he was there,” Gunson said. “As soon as she got on the phone with him, I looked out the window and all of sudden it hit … real quick.”

She remembers shutting a back window, then running towards the front of the house to shut one there.

“But we didn’t have time. I ran back to the bedroom and pulled a mattress over us, and then my husband reached around for another mattress, and it was over,” she recalled.

Frantic and worried about her other children who were not at home, Gunson couldn’t get a phone signal to find out.

The day after the tornado, Gunson’s daughter stood on the street holding an empty plastic cereal container with a sign that read “Donations for Family.” Many motorists stopped to donate money for the family, who lack insurance.

The family found solace and hope in a team of Texas Baptist Men volunteers who spent hours strategically working to remove the huge tree limbs from their rooftop and cover the holes. Victim Relief Ministry chaplains assisted with clean-up efforts and provided counseling and pizza for the displaced family.

A volunteer team from Lake Pointe Church in Rockwall led by Joel Bachman worked atop damaged roofs removing huge tree limbs that dangled precariously. With climbing gear and special protective clothing, Bachman and teammate Ken Hull carefully maneuvered the trees down to the ground safely before sawing the wood into smaller sizes that volunteers could help remove.

The Sunday after the tornado touched down in Haltom City, more Texas Baptist Men volunteers moved in to help other storm victims.

“We had about 25 TBM volunteers turn out to help from Collin and Dallas Baptist Associations, including Plymouth Park Baptist Church in Irving,” said Gary Smith, TBM disaster relief director, noting volunteers from Tarrant Baptist Association also helped. “They manned chainsaws and helped families in Tarrant County remove tree limbs and other debris from the neighborhood.”



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The Well Community singular in goal to work with mentally disabled

Posted: 4/18/07

The Well congregation has provided individuals with mental disabilities a place to worship and fellowship. (Photo courtesy of The Well)

The Well Community singular in
goal to work with mentally disabled

By Vicki Brown

Associated Baptist Press

DALLAS (ABP)—Joel Pulis, a Baylor University graduate now living in Dallas, recently was featured in People magazine for leading his church in a relatively new and singular mission—to reach poor people with mental disabilities.

Pulis, 33, refers to his flock of 50 at The Well Community not as a congregation but as a community of believers. His says his ministry focuses on being “a family, a people” for those suffering from brain dysfunctions like bipolar disorder and schizophrenia.

The Well Community began in 2002 with help from a grant from the Baptist General Convention of Texas. Pulis, who grew up attending the nearby Cliff Temple Baptist Church, has no specialized training for helping people with mental illness, but, after graduating from college, he soon realized there was a need for just that.

“We felt Cliff Temple could reach middle-class Baptists. The well metaphor drove us … to look at the people, not the church,” Pulis said. He was a minister to young adults at Cliff Temple before starting The Well.

Pulis found that a high percentage of Dallas residents with brain disorders live in Oak Cliff, Cliff Temple’s inner-city ministry area. Most live in public housing apartments or in overcrowded boarding homes.

The Well is first and foremost “a place where they know someone cares about them,” Pulis said. About 40 percent of the congregation is white, 40 percent is African-American, and 15 percent is Hispanic. Asians and Native Americans make up much of the rest.

Cliff Temple provided use of its fellowship hall and classroom space for a ministry area on Saturdays. The Well now rents space from the church in the community life center, which offers area for support groups, Bible study, recreation and vocational training. A café and a clothes closet are part of the community’s outreach as well.

Dallas-area Sunday school classes from Park Central Baptist Church, Park Cities Baptist Church and Forest Meadow Baptist Church have prepared and served meals for community members.

Pulis, who has been featured in the Dallas Morning News and CliffDweller magazine, says the community is not designed to give clinical help to members but to provide a support system of friends. According to a 2004 article in the Baptist Standard, the Well Community is the country’s only faith-based organization focused exclusively on low-income people living with mental illness.

The need is great. According to the Mental Health Association, Texas has 2.6 million mentally ill adults, many of whom have annual incomes of $10,000 or less.

Because they have trouble connecting to reality, individuals with mental disabilities often exhibit peculiar or inappropriate behavior that offends and repels many people.

“They are disenfranchised from themselves because they are not connecting to the world,” Pulis said. “They are psychiatric orphans … pushed away by family, either by something they did or because others don’t understand.”

People with mental disabilities become spiritual orphans for the same reasons. They are uncomfortable in a standard church service, and traditional congregations often are uncomfortable with their participation.

Pulis and his staff do what they can to make everyone comfortable. Housing is a Well Community priority—the ministry helps individuals find suitable apartments, and it currently operates one home for seven men. According to the Dallas Observer blog, the community operates on a budget of $190,000, which comes mostly from private donations.

The small budget seems not to inhibit the church’s effectiveness.

“There are many who had come looking for a hand-out who are now ministers themselves,” Cliff Temple Pastor Glen Schmucker said. The two congregations worship together a couple of times each year and partner in children and youth programs.

“They are wonderful people and have overcome many stereotypes,” Schmucker said. “They are very much a part of our identity, and we are a part of theirs.”


Hannah Elliott contributed to this story.




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Virginia Tech students gather for prayer at Baptist campus center

Posted: 4/18/07

Virginia Tech students gather
for prayer at Baptist campus center

By Jim White

Virginia Religious Herald

BLACKSBURG, Va. (ABP)—As the sun began to set and the wind continued to howl over a wounded campus and city April 16, Virginia Tech students gathered for prayer, comfort and counseling at the school’s Baptist student center.

Blacksburg, the small city that houses the university’s 26,000-plus students, was even quieter than usual the night after a massacre unprecedented in American history. The gunman, who police said shot 32 students and professors and then took his own life, had also silenced the usually bustling activity on the commercial strips around the sprawling campus’s edges.

One of the few signs of life at Virginia Tech was an evening gathering at the school’s Baptist Collegiate Ministry Center, a ministry of the Baptist General Association of Virginia.

Although barraged with requests from national and foreign news outlets, Darrell Cook, the lead Virginia Baptist campus minister, focused his attention on the needs of students. By mid-afternoon the day of the shootings, he had invited two of the school’s other major Christian campus groups—Intervarsity and Campus Crusade for Christ—to join in prayer for the surviving victims and loved ones of those who died.

Before the gathering, Cook and ministry associate Mark Appleton counseled with the students who dropped by the Baptist center in search of solace or simply for a safe-feeling place to hang out.

Members of area churches began stopping by with pizza for the students. Some reported that the owner of the pizzeria didn’t want to accept payment for the pizzas. They insisted on paying.

Area pastors were on the scene, too, bringing a sense of calm to a chaotic time. Tommy McDearis, pastor of Blacksburg Baptist Church, who is also chaplain of the local police force, spent much of the day at the hospital. The church is located directly across the street from the Tech campus, and has served as the church home for generations of Hokie students, faculty members and administrators.

When it was time for the prayer service to begin, students began to drift in, in groups of twos and threes, slowly at first and then in a virtual torrent of troubled young men and women. They grouped themselves naturally into fives and sixes throughout the center. The first question on nearly everyone’s lips was: “Is anybody missing?”

Most of the students had spent a large part of the day tracking down friends and acquaintances making sure they were all right. When their own groups proved intact, they then began to expand their circle of concern to include classmates. As the evening progressed, names of people not accounted for began to surface—referred to simply as “the missing.”

As of 6 p.m. the day of the shooting, Appleton said he was not aware of any students involved in the Baptist campus ministry who had been killed or injured.

Officials later identified the gunman as 23-year-old English student Cho Seung-Hui.

As the groups of students at the ministry center dissolved and re-formed, sharing information and concern, some students openly wept. Many prayed. All hugged. They needed, it seemed, not just to be “in touch” with friends but actually, physically to hold on to each other.

The most common reason students gave for wanting to attend the gathering was: “I just wanted to be with people I care about.” Other students spoke of their need to support other students and be supported by them.

One student remarked that he had come just to be quiet. He had spent the day furiously tracking down his friends and answering his cell phone assuring family members, friends from home, and campus acquaintances that he was safe. Now, at the end of the day, he needed to sit on the floor with two of his friends and be quiet.

Greg Alexander, a collegiate ministry strategist, and Darrell Fletcher, a Virginia Baptist field strategist, circulated among students along with Cook and Appleton. Two crisis-ministry volunteers were there to provide comfort.

Members of Northstar Church, a Baptist congregation in Blacksburg , also were there, helping as they could. Jennifer Kincaid, director of the church’s women’s ministries, coordinated the food. Matt Morris, who earned his doctorate from Virginia Tech and works as a family therapist, counseled informally. Others were simply available to listen to students when they felt like talking.

Some students spoke of how difficult it will be to return to class and how their sense of serenity and security has been destroyed. Not surprisingly on a campus renowned for its engineering program, some shared a perspective expressed by senior Kevin Prussia. He referred to the statistical unlikelihood of such an unspeakable tragedy every taking place on the Tech campus again.

As the service began in the center’s chapel, student who could get in sat on the floor while others stood in the back, filling the aisle and doorways. Many others, unable to get close enough to hear or see, continued their conversations in other parts of the center.

Even after the worship time ended, students continued to talk well into the night. Many stayed at the center while others returned, usually in groups, to dorm rooms, apartments or area restaurants.

Over sandwiches and ice cream, the president-elect of Tech’s Baptist Campus Student Ministries strategized with two friends about how to answer questions students will inevitably ask. Chad Wallace, a junior and member of First Baptist Church of Newport News, Va., and his friends also wondered how to best share their faith in the aftermath of the campus tragedy.

“I’ve seen Christians take advantage of people’s grief, and I don’t want to do that,” Wallace said. “I want to respect them and what they are going through, but I also want to point them to Christ.”

Cook, Appleton, Wallace and area church ministers are not sure what will happen in the aftermath of the massacre. But they said they are ready to respond with the love of Christ.


Robert Marus of ABP contributed to this story.





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Texas Baptist Forum

Updated: 4/16/07

Texas Baptist Forum

God & Allah

Please let me add my two cents’ worth to the discussion concerning God and Allah

Letters are welcomed. Send them to marvknox@baptiststandard.com; 250 words maximum.

“Our humanity is diminished when we have no mission bigger than ourselves. … We discover who we are in service to one another, not the self.”
Bono
U2 frontman, urging aid and debt relief for Africa (Time)

“Many evangelicals are boarding a new train. It runs along tracks defined by the broad demands of their faith, not by some party’s political agenda.”
E.J. Dionne
Washington Post columnist, writing about how some evangelicals are in the midst of a “New Reformation” that separates them from partisan politics (RNS)

“Every politician says, ‘God bless America.’ But do you really mean that? If you don’t, maybe we should start saying, ‘Have a good day,’ or something like that.”
J. Randy Forbes
U.S. congressman, R-Va. (Washington Times/RNS)

To me, it’s quite simple. In Exodus 3:6, God identifies himself to Moses: “I am the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob.”

Do Muslims worship this God? Clearly, they do not, because they worship the God of Ishmael, not Isaac.

I can accept the idea that Christians and Jews worship the same God. Most Jews simply don’t yet recognize Jesus as God the Son, the Messiah. But Christians and Muslims do not worship the same God. Allah is not God.

Larry Burner

McKinney


Not so Sweet

I cannot keep silent about Leonard Sweet’s “mantra” that God is “defragging and rebooting” the church and we are to “deal with it, get over it or get help” (March 5). Sweet even purported that “culture has rejected traditional institutions, so the church must change”!

It is alarming how fast “postmodern” churches are buying in to this skewed philosophy as they sweat to keep up with today’s culture. In come coffee bars and ATMs, out go hymnals and denominational name, programs replace prayer meetings and “ministry” is tagged onto everything from entertainment to vacations. Pastors are often CEOs, and sermons are often orchestrated presentations based on the latest best-seller with anemic references to Scripture. We sing repetitious ambiguous words devoid of true theology, and we applaud the performances of man rather than the God of our salvation. Naming sin is taboo, and our pews are playpens for baby Christians who have been nursed on easy-believism.

Rather than change with the culture, the church must influence culture. That influence will be felt when America’s pastors stand firm, fear God and faithfully proclaim salvation’s story unapologetically. The Apostle Paul’s fundamental admonition to Timothy is still true: “Preach the word; be instant in season and out of season,” regardless of the climate of the ever-changing “culture.”   

To use a variant of Sweet’s verbiage, God may be getting ready to “defrag and reboot” the pulpit. It is certain that culture will not change the day of reckoning.

God help our pastors!

Karen Stebbins

Garland

Carter & Covenant

Proponents of the coming January 30-February 1, 2008 “Celebration of a New Baptist Covenant” are displaying a great deal of faith . . . in former President Carter, that is. The only thing more disconcerting to me as a Baptist than being identified with a new Carter-called Baptist movement would be to have the fomer President teaching my Sunday School class.

When recently asked by Newsweek magazine, “Do you think a Mormon is a Christian?”, Carter's reported reply was, “Yes, I do. I have a cousin who is a Mormon and she married one of the Marriott family. I don't know anyone who's more devout in their faith than she and her family. I admire them very much.”

In the same interview, Carter indicated that teaching religion in public schools “to compare Christianity with Judaism and Islam and Hinduism and so forth, would be constructive. It would show that there is a compatibility among them all. I can't claim to be a scholar, but when our hostages were being held by Iran when I was president, I read the Quran, and I had Islamic scholars come and talk to me. The basic human-behavior principles were the same. The Islamic Bible, the Quran, teaches peace and justice and care for one's neighbor and helping the poor.”

Will a distinct Baptist witness be heard in this new movement? To me, it sounds like Carter's new “prophetic Baptist voice” could just as well be Isamic or Mormon.

Chuck Pace

Lake Jackson




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